What do you think?
Rate this book
Boss Tweed: The Rise and Fall of the Corrupt Pol Who Conceived the Soul of Modern New York
Among the monumental characters who ascended to impossible renown and influence in the history of American politics, few are more fascinating than Boss Tweed; and few working historians could record in more vivid detail his astonishing career than Kenneth D. Ackerman—an investigative historian of the first order. Ackerman's vibrant, accessible, and altogether captivating Boss Tweed is a biography of the legendary figure who "bribed the state legislature, fixed elections, skimmed money from city contractors, and diverted public funds on a massive scale." During his reign at Tammany Hall and then in a variety of elected posts, including as U.S. senator, Tweed wielded almost total control over New York State and City politics, before his unparalleled zealotry and remorseless disregard for the law led to his imprisonment. Yet, as the author shows, Tweed's positive political contributions have been largely overlooked. From one of the most talented new historians to have emerged in recent years, this book presents a thrilling story of the master manipulator who tried to make all of New York the instrument of his own ruthless ambitions, and succeeded—for a time. More than sixty photos and political cartoons by Thomas Nast are featured throughout.
438 pages, Paperback
First published February 16, 2005
About the author
Kenneth D. Ackerman
11 books45 followersKen Ackerman, a writer and attorney in Washington, D.C., is a 25-year veteran of senior positions in Congress, the executive branch, and financial regulation.
Ratings & Reviews
Friends & Following
Create a free account to discover what your friends think of this book!
Community Reviews
Displaying 1 - 30 of 41 reviews
November 22, 2019
For a decade or so in the 1860s and early 1870s, William Tweed - known colloquially as "Boss" Tweed - reigned supreme over patronage and power in New York City. His rapid, and to most people - not least of whom would be Tweed himself - shocking demise and subsequent imprisonment makes for an entertaining book. Along the way, the reader is introduced to many other flawed individuals, some famous and some not.
Tweed's story is well-told by Kenneth Ackerman, but only once he has attained power. Despite "The Rise" being part of the title, it really seems to be missing from the narrative. Ackerman basically skims over Tweed's early years, so quickly that you hardly notice it. I did not think that he explained Tweed's ascent very well. He became involved in business, in a fire department, and began amassing power. How he did this was not made clear. I was not expecting something akin to Robert Caro's monumental work on Robert Moses, but it seems like a few key moments are missing here.
One moment that is not missing is the 1863 NYC draft riots. Ackerman shows Tweed steadying the situation when the local officials proved unable to do so. From there, the book catalogues how Tweed and his "Ring" managed to defraud the city of millions of dollars. How much Tweed, A. Oakey Hall, Peter Sweeny, and Richard Connolly actually did pilfer is and has been disputed, and at this point it probably is impossible to arrive at an accurate figure. There was graft everywhere, voter intimidation, and buying of offices.
Ackerman does well in introducing, at length, many other notable characters aside from Tweed: Thomas Nast the cartoonist, George Jones the owner of the New York Times, Samuel Tilden (Governor for ywo years and 1876 Democratic nominee for President), and several others. Even Ulysses S. Grant makes an appearance. Ackerman weaves these folks into the story line, showing how each of them influenced events. This is a strength of the book. It also makes me categorize the book as "history" instead of "biography" because Tweed is almost entirely absent in sections. Ackerman shows that, much like most things in life, pretty much nobody involved here has totally clean hands. Seemingly each person did something that personally benefited himself (there were few women in this story aside from occasional mention of Tweed's wife or daughters - definitely a reflection of the time period), while ostensibly trying to say that they were providing a service to society.
Tweed's imprisonment, and then his sudden escape from jail (well, he actually escaped from his own house as he did get special treatment from the wardens) makes for the stuff of fiction. How he got away, and then made it as far as Spain before being brought all the way back to New York, is almost hard to believe. Ackerman unfortunately does not explain why Tweed suddenly left the house he was hiding in over in New Jersey, going to Florida and then Cuba and then Spain. He does chronicle Tweed's deteriorating health during this time period (Tweed was a huge man, 300 pounds) and how the endless trials and the imprisonment, combined with the depletion of his ill-gotten fortune, caused him to age prematurely and die in middle age (later for that time period).
Ackerman is sympathetic, I think, to Tweed. No, he does not excuse anything untoward that Tweed did, and shows that even when he was helping poor immigrants it was more out of political calculation than actual concern for peoples' well-being. But he focuses on how the rest of the Ring really got away Scot-free, and how Tweed was at the short end of the stick of several people (such as Tilden) who had their own less-than-noble motives in trying to imprison him and then keep him in prison. Fair point, and I do think that Tweed bore the brunt of the punishment. Several others were almost as guilty as Tweed, if not just as guilty, and they served no prison time. So could one say that Tweed was treated unfairly? Yes, I think so. Yet I could not summon much sympathy for someone who so blatantly stole from the public trough and would have kept right on stealing had he not been caught.
Grade: C+
Tweed's story is well-told by Kenneth Ackerman, but only once he has attained power. Despite "The Rise" being part of the title, it really seems to be missing from the narrative. Ackerman basically skims over Tweed's early years, so quickly that you hardly notice it. I did not think that he explained Tweed's ascent very well. He became involved in business, in a fire department, and began amassing power. How he did this was not made clear. I was not expecting something akin to Robert Caro's monumental work on Robert Moses, but it seems like a few key moments are missing here.
One moment that is not missing is the 1863 NYC draft riots. Ackerman shows Tweed steadying the situation when the local officials proved unable to do so. From there, the book catalogues how Tweed and his "Ring" managed to defraud the city of millions of dollars. How much Tweed, A. Oakey Hall, Peter Sweeny, and Richard Connolly actually did pilfer is and has been disputed, and at this point it probably is impossible to arrive at an accurate figure. There was graft everywhere, voter intimidation, and buying of offices.
Ackerman does well in introducing, at length, many other notable characters aside from Tweed: Thomas Nast the cartoonist, George Jones the owner of the New York Times, Samuel Tilden (Governor for ywo years and 1876 Democratic nominee for President), and several others. Even Ulysses S. Grant makes an appearance. Ackerman weaves these folks into the story line, showing how each of them influenced events. This is a strength of the book. It also makes me categorize the book as "history" instead of "biography" because Tweed is almost entirely absent in sections. Ackerman shows that, much like most things in life, pretty much nobody involved here has totally clean hands. Seemingly each person did something that personally benefited himself (there were few women in this story aside from occasional mention of Tweed's wife or daughters - definitely a reflection of the time period), while ostensibly trying to say that they were providing a service to society.
Tweed's imprisonment, and then his sudden escape from jail (well, he actually escaped from his own house as he did get special treatment from the wardens) makes for the stuff of fiction. How he got away, and then made it as far as Spain before being brought all the way back to New York, is almost hard to believe. Ackerman unfortunately does not explain why Tweed suddenly left the house he was hiding in over in New Jersey, going to Florida and then Cuba and then Spain. He does chronicle Tweed's deteriorating health during this time period (Tweed was a huge man, 300 pounds) and how the endless trials and the imprisonment, combined with the depletion of his ill-gotten fortune, caused him to age prematurely and die in middle age (later for that time period).
Ackerman is sympathetic, I think, to Tweed. No, he does not excuse anything untoward that Tweed did, and shows that even when he was helping poor immigrants it was more out of political calculation than actual concern for peoples' well-being. But he focuses on how the rest of the Ring really got away Scot-free, and how Tweed was at the short end of the stick of several people (such as Tilden) who had their own less-than-noble motives in trying to imprison him and then keep him in prison. Fair point, and I do think that Tweed bore the brunt of the punishment. Several others were almost as guilty as Tweed, if not just as guilty, and they served no prison time. So could one say that Tweed was treated unfairly? Yes, I think so. Yet I could not summon much sympathy for someone who so blatantly stole from the public trough and would have kept right on stealing had he not been caught.
Grade: C+
January 5, 2018
Well detailed and enlightening read, although it gets a bit mired in details at points, and glosses over some things. But it really gets into it when it comes to Tweed's battle versus the Times. I laughed out loud at the section when Tweed donates some money to a philanthropy and the Times runs the story as "Some Stolen Money Returned."
But just eye-opening when you realized how much he controlled and how he did it without being a high ranking figure like mayor or governor. Calling it the Tammany Machine seems apt since the book describes it as so complex and so multi-faceted in its corruption that it's hard to keep track of.
I tend to think it's not a complete story of Tweed and Tammany, but really, this book was pretty complex as it is. It touches on Tweed's relationship with Jay Gould and the Erie wars, the cartoonist Nast, Samuel Tilden's career, vote buying....etc. So I imagine any complete book might be a 4 volume set.
But just eye-opening when you realized how much he controlled and how he did it without being a high ranking figure like mayor or governor. Calling it the Tammany Machine seems apt since the book describes it as so complex and so multi-faceted in its corruption that it's hard to keep track of.
I tend to think it's not a complete story of Tweed and Tammany, but really, this book was pretty complex as it is. It touches on Tweed's relationship with Jay Gould and the Erie wars, the cartoonist Nast, Samuel Tilden's career, vote buying....etc. So I imagine any complete book might be a 4 volume set.
June 27, 2007
Interesting. Important point in American political history. The book could have used a bit more editing. Tweed and his associates were fascinating political characters who took the people of NYC for millions (and in current dollars, possibly billions). The final chapter offers some useful commentary on the changing dynamics of urban politics, political machines, and the media, but much more could be said about the development of all of these important components of American government and politics. Nice that it was an easy read.
June 11, 2013
This is a very well researched historical account of one of the more fascinating figures in New York politics. Some of the details are tedious hard to pin down, such as the legal hair-splitting involved in Tweed's trials or the exact ledgers and receipts of the expenditures that brought his notorious ring down. Ackerman appears to understand these things better than he is able to describe them. But nothing about Tweed's life is mundane and the author chronicles his outsized life in glorious detail. As a politician who could deliver votes on a scale sufficient to influence the outcome of national elections, there are so many plots and sub-plots in his life that it is difficult to put them all in perspective. Ackerman makes the wise choice to focus mainly on the man and his political organization in New York. Through the aspirations and machinations of figures like Samuel Tilden, Ackerman gives us enough of the give and take to see how Tweed both took advantage of and was victimized by, the political system.
Without excusing his faults, Ackerman paints a surprisingly sensitive human picture of Tweed, as a both natural leader and a shrewd manipulator whose main fault was to have the not uncommon feeling that he deserved a share in the wealth he could create for others. Tweed's role as a power-broker is shown as an outgrowth of his reputation among the poor as a man of the people and the admiration of the rich for his ability to "get things done". Tweed carefully burnished these images through the liberal expenditure of borrowed public funds and cared deeply about his personal appearance, even as he aspired to live the life of the indolent rich and took on the corpulent frame that became inextricably intertwined with Thomas Nast's iconic images of him as a corrupt politician.
The author's most revealing descriptions are of Tweed's relations with his jailers and former colleagues. He chronicles the reasons for Tweed's sense of being double-crossed, the degree to which he took the brunt of the punishment meted out to his gang and the calculating way he himself was manipulated by those in power once he was out of it. More could have been done to place his complex relations with his family in perspective and to provide an explanation for the loyalties he gave to, and engendered among some of his acquaintances, while others seemed to have had no qualms about rolling him under. There is enough here, though, to both satisfy the idly curious and whet the appetite of the persistently thoughtful.
In the end, we are left with an old man in prison, painfully and pragmatically accepting his fate, but never really understanding it. This is a worthwhile portrait of the archetypal political animal that was Boss Tweed and can provide insights into the workings of New York politics even today, as recent headlines have made clear.
Without excusing his faults, Ackerman paints a surprisingly sensitive human picture of Tweed, as a both natural leader and a shrewd manipulator whose main fault was to have the not uncommon feeling that he deserved a share in the wealth he could create for others. Tweed's role as a power-broker is shown as an outgrowth of his reputation among the poor as a man of the people and the admiration of the rich for his ability to "get things done". Tweed carefully burnished these images through the liberal expenditure of borrowed public funds and cared deeply about his personal appearance, even as he aspired to live the life of the indolent rich and took on the corpulent frame that became inextricably intertwined with Thomas Nast's iconic images of him as a corrupt politician.
The author's most revealing descriptions are of Tweed's relations with his jailers and former colleagues. He chronicles the reasons for Tweed's sense of being double-crossed, the degree to which he took the brunt of the punishment meted out to his gang and the calculating way he himself was manipulated by those in power once he was out of it. More could have been done to place his complex relations with his family in perspective and to provide an explanation for the loyalties he gave to, and engendered among some of his acquaintances, while others seemed to have had no qualms about rolling him under. There is enough here, though, to both satisfy the idly curious and whet the appetite of the persistently thoughtful.
In the end, we are left with an old man in prison, painfully and pragmatically accepting his fate, but never really understanding it. This is a worthwhile portrait of the archetypal political animal that was Boss Tweed and can provide insights into the workings of New York politics even today, as recent headlines have made clear.
June 13, 2017
The long tentacles of Tammany corruption began with the creation of the political society under the infamous Aaron Burr. Burr saw this machine as a way to control political power in New York, and rival Alexander Hamilton's political machine, the Society of the Cincinnati. The key to Tammany was patronage and the accumulation of votes. As Tammany rose in New York under Boss Tweed, it became synonymous with governmental fleecing, specifically the building of the New York County Courthouse.
As corrupt as Tammany was, it was the only source of political power for the poor, mostly Irish Catholic immigrants in New York post-civil war. As referenced with my review of George Washington Plunkitt's "talks" ( https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1...), the poor locals who Tammany represented were not worried about national or foreign affairs, they were worried about survival, jobs, and their own economic well being. Tammany could provide a job, patronage, yes, but a way to provide for a man's family. All they asked for in return was that man's vote. To many poor New Yorkers, why not?
The book details Tweed's rise and fall, ultimate disgrace. It also details the editorial cartoons of Thomas Nast, whose art is credited with bringing down the Tweed ring. The book suggests that Nast's attacks were partly fueled by anti-Irish Catholic sentiment driven by a WASP-ish elite. In the end, Tweed could only blame himself for his corruption charge. He has since become the epitome of public corruption, but the machine he helped strengthen controlled New York politics well into the middle of the next century.
As corrupt as Tammany was, it was the only source of political power for the poor, mostly Irish Catholic immigrants in New York post-civil war. As referenced with my review of George Washington Plunkitt's "talks" ( https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1...), the poor locals who Tammany represented were not worried about national or foreign affairs, they were worried about survival, jobs, and their own economic well being. Tammany could provide a job, patronage, yes, but a way to provide for a man's family. All they asked for in return was that man's vote. To many poor New Yorkers, why not?
The book details Tweed's rise and fall, ultimate disgrace. It also details the editorial cartoons of Thomas Nast, whose art is credited with bringing down the Tweed ring. The book suggests that Nast's attacks were partly fueled by anti-Irish Catholic sentiment driven by a WASP-ish elite. In the end, Tweed could only blame himself for his corruption charge. He has since become the epitome of public corruption, but the machine he helped strengthen controlled New York politics well into the middle of the next century.
March 25, 2022
Overview:
William Tweed, known as Boss Tweed, was a commissioner of Public Works, and state Senator. A corrupt politician who controlled judges, mayors, governors, and newspapers. Before proof of corruption was made, political enemies or lawyers were not able to take on Tweed. Tweed was supported by the public, and would require a popular uprising to take power away. Corruption was ubiquitous in the political system, and corrupt officials legitimized and supported Tweed. The problem is that those within the corruption Ring, did not want to become scapegoats for everyone else’s corruption. When political favor changed, they turned away from Tweed, and aided those trying to expose and clean up Tweed’s mess. At the end, even Tweed had disclosed what had been done. The bribes given. The manipulation of elections. Systemically diverting public funds. All this was done during a time when corruption was routine. What Tweed did for the city, would not have been possible without engaging in corruption. Otherwise, Tweed would be honest, but unable to enact change.
Tweed was physically imposing, and used to physical violence. Tweed even led a local gang. Then joined a volunteer fire squad that within a few years made Tweed foreman. This was the start of Tweed’s political career, as Tweed was able to produce votes on Election Day, and provide strong-arm bullies.
Tweed rise came during the American Civil War. New York had a large anti-war Democrat movement. During the time, New York also had many immigrants, primarily Irish, who did not see honor in the war, and had no quarrel with either side. The war in New York was seen as a rich man’s war, because while the rich could avoid the draft by paying a fee, a fee that most people could not afford, causing the poor to fight on behave of the rich. Lincoln rejected New York major’s appeals against the draft. All the while Tweed positioned Tammany to support the Union, while also providing support for the grieving, making Tammany credible to everyone. Although Tweed’s recruitment drive was scandalous, it was not nearly as corrupt as many other corruption cases.
Even before Tweed, New York democracy was corrupt. Stuffing the ballad box with votes for a particular candidate through bulling and lying. Producing way more votes than there were eligible voters. Many who would perceive themselves as honest, did not mind vote manipulation or graft on city contracts. Tweed would claim that the city was so politically fractured that it would be too difficult to govern under universal suffrage. That it could be governed by bribery.
In public office, what Tweed did is provide a lot of jobs and incomes to many people. Creating many public projects. In private life, contributed to charity. Although everyone assumed corruption, it could not be proven. And with what Tweed was providing, Tweed became more popular.
Tweed created a system to keep Tweed and supporters in power for longer. Controlling where they spent money, and who would become a public official. Tweed was able to finance much of the works through bonds. It made sense to New Yorkers, and the banks and brokerage houses that made commissions on the bond sales. Borrowing, spending, and keeping some for personal use. But the international community started to see problems. Credit was still available, but became more cautious.
A major source for trouble for Tweed was George Jones, at the New York Times. What started the fall for Tweed were not the attacks from the New York Times, but the legitimization of the claims made by public accounting records. At a time before records were available for the pubic to see, these public records were copied little by little by an insider. What the accounts showed is a huge discrepancy between what the money was used for, and the amount paid.
As the notoriety grew, Tweed’s ring needed someone to blame. The problem was that the scapegoat selected, did not want to be a scapegoat. George Barnard had decided to help fight the corruption, to make Barnard morally appealing. Others, like comptroller Richard Connolly, also decided to help fight the corruption. It was treachery that broke the Ring, rather than an outside force.
Caveats?
The book is easy to read that is very informative on the history of New York during the era. The problem is that the book’s focus is on the fall of Tweed. With very little on the rise and the spoken of benefits provided. More information on the rise of Tweed and how corruption was maintained would have facilitated a better understanding on the situation, and made behaviors that enforce corruption easier to spot.
William Tweed, known as Boss Tweed, was a commissioner of Public Works, and state Senator. A corrupt politician who controlled judges, mayors, governors, and newspapers. Before proof of corruption was made, political enemies or lawyers were not able to take on Tweed. Tweed was supported by the public, and would require a popular uprising to take power away. Corruption was ubiquitous in the political system, and corrupt officials legitimized and supported Tweed. The problem is that those within the corruption Ring, did not want to become scapegoats for everyone else’s corruption. When political favor changed, they turned away from Tweed, and aided those trying to expose and clean up Tweed’s mess. At the end, even Tweed had disclosed what had been done. The bribes given. The manipulation of elections. Systemically diverting public funds. All this was done during a time when corruption was routine. What Tweed did for the city, would not have been possible without engaging in corruption. Otherwise, Tweed would be honest, but unable to enact change.
Tweed was physically imposing, and used to physical violence. Tweed even led a local gang. Then joined a volunteer fire squad that within a few years made Tweed foreman. This was the start of Tweed’s political career, as Tweed was able to produce votes on Election Day, and provide strong-arm bullies.
Tweed rise came during the American Civil War. New York had a large anti-war Democrat movement. During the time, New York also had many immigrants, primarily Irish, who did not see honor in the war, and had no quarrel with either side. The war in New York was seen as a rich man’s war, because while the rich could avoid the draft by paying a fee, a fee that most people could not afford, causing the poor to fight on behave of the rich. Lincoln rejected New York major’s appeals against the draft. All the while Tweed positioned Tammany to support the Union, while also providing support for the grieving, making Tammany credible to everyone. Although Tweed’s recruitment drive was scandalous, it was not nearly as corrupt as many other corruption cases.
Even before Tweed, New York democracy was corrupt. Stuffing the ballad box with votes for a particular candidate through bulling and lying. Producing way more votes than there were eligible voters. Many who would perceive themselves as honest, did not mind vote manipulation or graft on city contracts. Tweed would claim that the city was so politically fractured that it would be too difficult to govern under universal suffrage. That it could be governed by bribery.
In public office, what Tweed did is provide a lot of jobs and incomes to many people. Creating many public projects. In private life, contributed to charity. Although everyone assumed corruption, it could not be proven. And with what Tweed was providing, Tweed became more popular.
Tweed created a system to keep Tweed and supporters in power for longer. Controlling where they spent money, and who would become a public official. Tweed was able to finance much of the works through bonds. It made sense to New Yorkers, and the banks and brokerage houses that made commissions on the bond sales. Borrowing, spending, and keeping some for personal use. But the international community started to see problems. Credit was still available, but became more cautious.
A major source for trouble for Tweed was George Jones, at the New York Times. What started the fall for Tweed were not the attacks from the New York Times, but the legitimization of the claims made by public accounting records. At a time before records were available for the pubic to see, these public records were copied little by little by an insider. What the accounts showed is a huge discrepancy between what the money was used for, and the amount paid.
As the notoriety grew, Tweed’s ring needed someone to blame. The problem was that the scapegoat selected, did not want to be a scapegoat. George Barnard had decided to help fight the corruption, to make Barnard morally appealing. Others, like comptroller Richard Connolly, also decided to help fight the corruption. It was treachery that broke the Ring, rather than an outside force.
Caveats?
The book is easy to read that is very informative on the history of New York during the era. The problem is that the book’s focus is on the fall of Tweed. With very little on the rise and the spoken of benefits provided. More information on the rise of Tweed and how corruption was maintained would have facilitated a better understanding on the situation, and made behaviors that enforce corruption easier to spot.
January 19, 2021
Boss Tweed and Tammany Hall are supposed to be a thing of the past. But are they?
The author documents an amazing story of graft, election rigging and bought and paid for officials.
Tweed would figure out how many people voted in a previous election...and how many potential voters there were. The difference in the numbers told him how many votes he could safely manufacture to “win.”
At the height of Tammany Hall’s power, they were unconcerned about being called out about their nefarious activities. They controlled the media, so they simply laughed it off and called their detractors crazy.
The author also does a great job detailing how the conspirators turned on Tweed once the media did target him.
Regardless of your viewpoint about current events, this book covers an important part of history and is well written.
The author documents an amazing story of graft, election rigging and bought and paid for officials.
Tweed would figure out how many people voted in a previous election...and how many potential voters there were. The difference in the numbers told him how many votes he could safely manufacture to “win.”
At the height of Tammany Hall’s power, they were unconcerned about being called out about their nefarious activities. They controlled the media, so they simply laughed it off and called their detractors crazy.
The author also does a great job detailing how the conspirators turned on Tweed once the media did target him.
Regardless of your viewpoint about current events, this book covers an important part of history and is well written.
November 17, 2020
Started off pretty well. Got boring for a while and then picked up again. Basically boss Tweed was robbing the city blind along with a few other people. The New York Times got on the hunt and brought him down.
The book needs an editor for the grammatical errors and maybe to tighten up the narrative and get rid of some of the fluff.
Boss Tweed definitely captures the excesses of the gilded age. In the end he got busted and justice was served.
Only for readers interested in that time frame or New York City.
The book needs an editor for the grammatical errors and maybe to tighten up the narrative and get rid of some of the fluff.
Boss Tweed definitely captures the excesses of the gilded age. In the end he got busted and justice was served.
Only for readers interested in that time frame or New York City.
March 13, 2019
Really interesting account of Tweed and Tamanny Hall, and the corruption that existed in New York City in the late 1800s/early 1900s. Could have been edited down quite a bit, as it felt rather repetitive in parts. But interesting, nonetheless.
April 28, 2018
Terrific book .....history of New York after civil war and the amazing story of the rise and fall of boss tweed.....
July 8, 2020
Larger than life, literally and figuratively.
July 14, 2008
William M. Tweed didn’t exactly invent voter fraud, patronage jobs, and grafting, but he made those shameful New York mainstays yield greater gains than ever before. In “Boss Tweed: The Rise and Fall of the Corrupt Pol Who Conceived the Soul of Modern New York”, Kenneth Ackerman revisits the dark side of the Gilded Age, a time when robber barons and shady financiers like Jim Fisk and Jay Gould hatched plots that nearly demolished the U.S. economy, such as Black Friday 1869.
‘Boss’ Tweed’s own underhanded bill-padding nearly bankrupted the city of New York, but unlike Fisk or Gould, he served the public while stealing from it. Recognizing that the influx of Irish and other European immigrants represented a tidal wave of voters, Tweed championed the working class and the poor, and turned Tammany into a semi-official welfare organization. He succeeded in accomplishing home rule for the City of New York and backed the development of Central Park and other beautification projects. But this appealing veneer was a smokescreen for his abuse of public funds, vendettas against political rivals, and gratuitous awarding of expensive ‘no show’ jobs to friends. One especially flagrant abuse was the construction of the ‘Tweed Courthouse’, which was budgeted in 1858 at $250,000 and ended up costing $12 million, with the surplus being pocketed by Tweed and other agents of the Tammany machine. It took the combined effort of New York Times owner George Jones, iconic cartoonist Thomas Nast, and future governor Samuel Tilden to expose him and put him behind bars.
Ackerman has handled Tweed’s story well. He resists the temptation to portray his subject as “Santa Claus with a diamond pin” as one contemporary dubbed the cagey politician, but doesn’t dismiss him as a total villain either. “Boss Tweed” is a balanced look at an era when New York’s political arena was a circus, and the corpulent Tweed was its ringmaster.
‘Boss’ Tweed’s own underhanded bill-padding nearly bankrupted the city of New York, but unlike Fisk or Gould, he served the public while stealing from it. Recognizing that the influx of Irish and other European immigrants represented a tidal wave of voters, Tweed championed the working class and the poor, and turned Tammany into a semi-official welfare organization. He succeeded in accomplishing home rule for the City of New York and backed the development of Central Park and other beautification projects. But this appealing veneer was a smokescreen for his abuse of public funds, vendettas against political rivals, and gratuitous awarding of expensive ‘no show’ jobs to friends. One especially flagrant abuse was the construction of the ‘Tweed Courthouse’, which was budgeted in 1858 at $250,000 and ended up costing $12 million, with the surplus being pocketed by Tweed and other agents of the Tammany machine. It took the combined effort of New York Times owner George Jones, iconic cartoonist Thomas Nast, and future governor Samuel Tilden to expose him and put him behind bars.
Ackerman has handled Tweed’s story well. He resists the temptation to portray his subject as “Santa Claus with a diamond pin” as one contemporary dubbed the cagey politician, but doesn’t dismiss him as a total villain either. “Boss Tweed” is a balanced look at an era when New York’s political arena was a circus, and the corpulent Tweed was its ringmaster.
February 4, 2012
Boss Tweed is another excellent book on gilded age history by Kenneth Ackerman. This time Ackerman provides a look at one of the most corrupt politicians (in terms of dollars stolen) in American history and looks at how he rose to power and what kept him there. Mostly Boss Tweed is shone for what he was, a ward boss who excelled at corruption and getting his constituents what they want. Even at the time of his trail he was not universally condemned and many argued unjustly imprisoned given his conviction of misdemeanor. It was not until he fled the authorities and his later confession that his reputation began to tarnish. Even then we see Boss Tweed as one of the most infamous figures in Gilded Age history for his detailed political schemes, power triangles, and reckless profiteering from the public till that make him the most intriguing " boss" in political history.
This book also take time to introduce the men who tried to bring down William Tweed and the flaws that they brought as well. From New York Times editor to the famous Thomas Nast whose cartoons would help elect a president and destroy Boss Tweed all are explored throughout the book. There are also several reproductions of the various cartoons scattered throughout to gain a look at the effectiveness of each. The start of the "watchdog" press is born in this time and while it would take many years of muckraking to refine it the beginnings are seen here.
Overall it is a great book showing the times and the start of many dominant trends in America from investigative journalism, the political boss system, and the shift from local government towards federal for works projects. It is written very well and reads like a fiction story that is easy to follow and a real page turner. Highly recommended for anyone with a general interest in history or politics but for gilded age fans it is a special read!
This book also take time to introduce the men who tried to bring down William Tweed and the flaws that they brought as well. From New York Times editor to the famous Thomas Nast whose cartoons would help elect a president and destroy Boss Tweed all are explored throughout the book. There are also several reproductions of the various cartoons scattered throughout to gain a look at the effectiveness of each. The start of the "watchdog" press is born in this time and while it would take many years of muckraking to refine it the beginnings are seen here.
Overall it is a great book showing the times and the start of many dominant trends in America from investigative journalism, the political boss system, and the shift from local government towards federal for works projects. It is written very well and reads like a fiction story that is easy to follow and a real page turner. Highly recommended for anyone with a general interest in history or politics but for gilded age fans it is a special read!
January 31, 2015
Ackerman has produced a very interesting, highly readable book that details the corruption of the "Tweed Ring" that looted the New York City Treasury in the late 1800's. The book is not going to give much insight into Tammany, and how it worked, (for that take a look at Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics by Terry Golway) but rather focuses in on Tweed and his collaborators in fraud. The book does manage to give us a good view of some of the major players that helped to bring down the Tweed ring, including Samuel Tilden, Governor of New York, and George Jones, head honcho over at the very young New York Times, and Thomas Nast, who lampooned Tweed through his drawings, eventually making him an object of ridicule.
The book has a heavy focus on the mechanics that brought Tweed down, and gives, what I believe, was a fair view of all the players involved. Some of Tweed's good work is mentioned, as well as some of the personal failings of his detractors, notably Tilden. This fairness does not whitewash Tweed's graft, which was monumental. There is some sympathy for Tweed after the fall, as the other "Tweed Ring" members managed to evade prosecution, with Tweed largely a broken man at the end of his life.
Tweed remains a significant historical figure in American history, and one who has been caricatured as the face of urban corruption. That reputation was well deserved, but as always there is a multi-faceted story to tell. Ackerman does a good job of telling that story.
The book has a heavy focus on the mechanics that brought Tweed down, and gives, what I believe, was a fair view of all the players involved. Some of Tweed's good work is mentioned, as well as some of the personal failings of his detractors, notably Tilden. This fairness does not whitewash Tweed's graft, which was monumental. There is some sympathy for Tweed after the fall, as the other "Tweed Ring" members managed to evade prosecution, with Tweed largely a broken man at the end of his life.
Tweed remains a significant historical figure in American history, and one who has been caricatured as the face of urban corruption. That reputation was well deserved, but as always there is a multi-faceted story to tell. Ackerman does a good job of telling that story.
October 19, 2010
I should start by saying am a fan of New York City history and my interest in this book stems from that. Even so, I was surprised by how much I enjoyed it.
Boss Tweed was a larger-than-life figure in post-Civil War N.Y. State Senator, head of Public Works, a politician who was as large in influence as he was in size (quite rotund). I thought it would be an decent tale of politics and corruption (redundant, no?) but it increasingly reads like a dramatic thriller.
Boss Tweed wasn't just a crooked politician - he has been epitomized as THE crooked politician - He and his cohorts pulled off the largest, most brazen graft-theft of their age. The amounts are staggering - but the story gets better and draws in: a struggling newspaper company called the "New York Times," fleeing suspects, dramatic escapes, a global hunt and so on. Oh, and lots of questionable behavior - even from the good guys.
And, unbelievably, by the end of the story, you have compassion for "The Boss" despite his crimes. He was eloquent, jovial, filled of bravado, and he used all this help the poor of the city - putting them to work, for one, and building schools and hospitals. They remained loyal to the end. As a New Yorker said to me - "the thing about those big-time crooked politicians back then - they got things done." It was Boss Tweed who found a way around the political-infighting to launch the building of the Brooklyn Bridge.
Boss Tweed was a larger-than-life figure in post-Civil War N.Y. State Senator, head of Public Works, a politician who was as large in influence as he was in size (quite rotund). I thought it would be an decent tale of politics and corruption (redundant, no?) but it increasingly reads like a dramatic thriller.
Boss Tweed wasn't just a crooked politician - he has been epitomized as THE crooked politician - He and his cohorts pulled off the largest, most brazen graft-theft of their age. The amounts are staggering - but the story gets better and draws in: a struggling newspaper company called the "New York Times," fleeing suspects, dramatic escapes, a global hunt and so on. Oh, and lots of questionable behavior - even from the good guys.
And, unbelievably, by the end of the story, you have compassion for "The Boss" despite his crimes. He was eloquent, jovial, filled of bravado, and he used all this help the poor of the city - putting them to work, for one, and building schools and hospitals. They remained loyal to the end. As a New Yorker said to me - "the thing about those big-time crooked politicians back then - they got things done." It was Boss Tweed who found a way around the political-infighting to launch the building of the Brooklyn Bridge.
September 10, 2023
This is the story of the rise and fall of Boss Tweed, the iconic leader of the Tammany Hall machine that ran New York City in the decades from 1860 to his demise in 1878. This book chronicles his unbridled thirst for control in the political arena of NYC. It is a tale of money and power that inevitably leads to greed and corruption. Tweed was entangled with every financial grift at the time in the city and collaborated with some of the most notorious robber barons and con men of the day, such as James Fisk and Jay Gould. At the height of his power, Tweed owned the New York state’s courts, the legislature, the treasury, the state election process and most of NYC real estate. His down fall was inescapable but his journey of ballot stuffing, bribery, election theft and money laundering covered by the patina of public works had an unexpected results. Many of the public building that stand today in NYC, such as the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the NYC Public Library were built through his graft. He drove a progressive agenda that supported the poor, the arts, and education. The brilliant Thomas Nash rose to fame drawing Tweed’s corruption through Nash’s blistering exposé cartoons.
A dense read but no the less a frightening parallel of today’s political circus playing out on a federal level in Washington.
A dense read but no the less a frightening parallel of today’s political circus playing out on a federal level in Washington.
March 19, 2009
What the book manages to convey in its better moments is the eerie feel of a city both dominated and manipulated into ignorance of its own domination by a small group of dedicated hucksters.
The stupendous amount of advertising controlled by New York City at the time (as well as its control over textbook purchases) meant it could jawbone most pressmen into quiet acquiescence by either withholding or dangling city funds. The city's arbitrary control over everything from real estate development to road widening also meant that most of the tony set were willing to sacrifice their principles for favors for their pet projects. The result was that just as Tweed was stealing tens of millions of dollars, the best and brightest minds of the city were singing his praises.
When it finally came crashing down, New York descended into the sort of chaos one would expect in a Banana Republic. There was a coup d'etat in the comptrollers office, policemen taking orders from rival power centers, and torchlit parades of angry men roaming the streets.
The book would have been better if it focused on this story instead of the extended later prosecutions.
January 17, 2011
I thought this was a very good history of the men of Tammany Hall, the events, and the legacy. Each player was profiled, not just Tweed. How Tammany fit into the culture of the city was well described. It was researched well, and all of the author's sources are cited. Thomas Nast's cartoons illustrated throughout, giving the reader a taste of public sentiment, as well as some comic relief to what could well be a very dry subject. The last third of the book describing Tweed's escape and capture was my favorite. I had really come to sympathize with Tweed by that point, a broken old man with diabetes who knew his best days were behind him. I had read about Tammany Hall when I was younger, but I had no idea of the magnitude of deception and cost. Considering the recent Bernie Madoff Ponzi scheme and KBR's no-bid contracts with the US government for work in Iraq, this was a very timely book for me, and I would recommend this for anyone that relishes good dish on governmental and corporate scandals.
Read
February 5, 2009For historians, Tweed "is worth his weight in gold" (New York Times). Ackerman, who has written previous books on Gilded Age excesses, focuses on the years after 1870 when Tweed hopscotched between court and jail. Critics agree that Tweed, his cronies, and the crusading journalists responsible for his spectacular downfall come alive. Colorful details and a clear-eyed approach to both Tweed's great leadership and even greater crimes highlight his opportunist philosophy and antics, though his formative years remain a mystery. A poor sense of chronology, combined with failures to address revisionist claims that Tweed was an "honest grafter" and examine his effect on the "soul of modern New York," weaken the book. Despite these flaws, Boss Tweed is an excellent history with modern-day parables.
This is an excerpt from a review published in Bookmarks magazine.
June 11, 2022
A highly interesting tale of the boss’s life. Ackerman manages to not get draggy or repetitive, which is a lot more I can say for many history books; his writing also evokes some sympathy for Tweed, who was scapegoated and forced into desperation. Ultimately, Tweed died alone, abandoned by all his friends who’d benefitted off his generosity before. The narrative at the same time ensures that everyone is painted in shades of gray; there’s no “bad” person, and their decisions are clearly analyzed (besides Fairchild, Jimmy O’Brien, and the rest of the ring; they just came off as self-centered crooks)
I admire the Boss’s loyalty; I do believe he deserved to get arrested, but then again, the other Tammany crooks weren’t arrested… anyways, it all reflects badly on the justice system at that time.
I admire the Boss’s loyalty; I do believe he deserved to get arrested, but then again, the other Tammany crooks weren’t arrested… anyways, it all reflects badly on the justice system at that time.
November 28, 2010
This biography was extravagantly praised, and I'm not sure why. The writing is breezy enough, and the tale of the fall of Boss Tweed (which is really what the book should be called -- fully 1/3 of it is devoted to his trial, imprisonment, and death in prison) is well told. But it failed to provide the two things I read biographies for: insights into a historical figure and an understanding of the milieu that shaped her or him. Ackerman doesn't seem to be very interested in either of those projects except in their broadest strokes, making this a good read but not one that left me significantly smarter about with Tweed or Gilded Age New York.
March 3, 2013
An interesting account of corruption and greed in New York State and local government in the post Civil War era. The majority of the story focuses on those individuals tied to Tweed in his corruption as well as those engaged to bring him to justice and to pay for his crimes with the latter portion detailing his incarcaration and efforts to be released.
The author does a nice job of documenting the conlicting character of Boss Tweed. One of a money and power hungry man with no limit to his desire for excess as well as a hero to the poor and destitute immigrant population.
The author does a nice job of documenting the conlicting character of Boss Tweed. One of a money and power hungry man with no limit to his desire for excess as well as a hero to the poor and destitute immigrant population.
November 4, 2009
The book should have been titled The Rise and Fall of the Tammany Ring because there was very little biographical information regarding Boss Tweed. I personally wonder what motivates one's actions, and Tweed's actions were so extreme and sociopathic. The story was well told and disturbing, but many connections could have been wrung out more thoroughly. I think it comes down to the author being more interested in the actions of these men as opposed to the psychology behind their actions.
January 10, 2012
call me a sucker for the mechanations of political bosses, but boss tweed was so audacious a thief that his story belies the imagination and makes for great literary theater at the same time. there was a time in this country when tammany-style thieves at least let some of the chips fall on the floor for the poor before they scraped them into their loot piles. ackerman brings tweed's new york come to vivid life.
May 10, 2014
The Story of the Boss and the crooked politician who set the mark that all corrupt politicians since have been compared to William Tweed. A in depth look at Tweed’s rise to power how Tammany Hall and Tweed controlled power and used that power to loot large sums of money from the city and the state. I did not know until reading this that Tweed was the only member to go to jail for the theft. Good read.
March 15, 2012
Well written and quite intriguing, but in the end I can only take so much corruption and disgust.
What I've taken from this book is our country was, is and will always be squeezed like a lemon by a bunch of despicable crooks that go by the nom de plume of politicians.
This Boss Tweed was just ahead of his time setting a standard that is continually improved upon.
What I've taken from this book is our country was, is and will always be squeezed like a lemon by a bunch of despicable crooks that go by the nom de plume of politicians.
This Boss Tweed was just ahead of his time setting a standard that is continually improved upon.
March 2, 2013
Excellent book on late 19th and early 20th century politics of NY. It's the way politics "used to be" probably still is except a little more subtle. Everyone has heard of Boss Tweed and Tammany Hall, here you have the story.great read
January 13, 2015
Fun read but without a lot of the political shenanigans that took place. Would have liked to have read more about the way he came into power with great details. Maybe they don't exist. Still, I enjoyed this very interesting time period in our history.
May 8, 2007
Like Rockefeller, Tweed's career and response to the 20th century is emblematic of so much of what the modern industrial state is about.
August 29, 2007
Great look at Tammany Hall and the Irish political machine in NYC. A little arduous at times, but good overall.
Displaying 1 - 30 of 41 reviews